Martin Luther - The Ninety-five Theses and Reformation Explodes
By Phil Newton
Background
We must be clear that Martin Luther never set out to start the Reformation. He believed that reforms needed to take place in the church but he had no comprehension that one monk in Bavaria could strike the nail heard around Europe! Yet in God's providence, Martin Luther was raised up at just the right time in history, along with numerous other important figures in the Reformation.
Martin Luther was born November 10, 1483 to Hans and Margeret Luder (Luther) in Eisleben, Germany, moving to Mansfield in his first year. Hans had great ambitions for his son. Though he was a miner with a moderate income, he pushed Martin to become a lawyer and thus provide a legacy and income for his family. He sacrificed for his son's education and even that was not enough. After grammar school, Martin left for Magdeburg where his education fell under the strict regimen of the Brethren of the Common Life order. Since Martin, and likewise many of the students, lacked adequate funds for his education, the monks sent the students into the streets to beg for bread. During his second year, an elderly lady whom Martin had begged for help noticed his brightness and abilities, so she took him under her financial wing, providing for his education. He passed through at the top of his class, received his Bachelor's degree at Erfurt in 1502 and his Master's in 1505. Now he was prepared for continuing his education in pursuit of the doctor of jurisprudence degree.
But everything changed as he returned to Erfurt after a trip home. Luther had begun to feel the tinges of conviction over his sin - perhaps guilt is a stronger and more adequate term! So as he traveled during a particularly violent storm, "He was paralyzed by the storm and attached great spiritual significance to it, and in utter fear he believed God had unleashed the very thunder of heaven to judge his soul," writes Stephen J. Nichols. "In total desperation he cried out to St. Anne, the patron saint of miners: "He me, St. Anne, and I will become a monk" [Martin Luther: A Guided Tour of His Life & Thought, 28].
Luther returned to his classmates, threw a party, gave away all of his law books, and then entered the monastery. His father went berserk! He thought Martin had lost his mind and felt shamed that he had thrown away his promising law career for the monk's cowl. After a year's probation, Luther donned the monk's habit during a ceremony in 1506 in which he prostrated himself before the monastery's abbot on the slab that covered the grave of one of John Hus' main accusers. His aim in accepting the monk's vows was to rid himself of the fear of God's judgment. But rather than alleviating the fear he felt abandoned by family and God [following Nichols, 28-29]. His testimony of his monastic journey shows the folly of his plans, yet lays groundwork of God's plans:
I myself was a monk for twenty years. I tortured myself with praying, fasting, keeping vigils, and freezing - the cold alone was enough to kill me - and I inflicted upon myself such pain as I would never inflict again, even if I could... If any monk ever got to heaven by monkery, then I should have made it. All my monastery companions who knew me can testify to that... If it had lasted much longer, I would have killed myself with vigils, praying, reading, and the other labors [Nichols 29].
Luther's superior at Erfurt often expressed exasperation over Luther to the abbott, Johann Von Staupitz. He thought that a trip to Rome would help Luther, so Staupitz sent him with documents to the holy city. But rather than help it only hindered as Luther was overwhelmed by the debauchery, immorality, and godlessness of the city and the priests. Staupitz had recently founded the University at Wittenberg under Frederick the Wise's financial leadership, so seeing Luther's intellectual powers, he transferred Luther to the Black Cloister at Wittenberg where he would serve in the monastery and begin lecturing in Bible and theology at the university. After taking a doctorate in theology in 1512, he was appointed to the university's faculty and settled into the routine of the professor.
At this point in Medieval university studies, professors lectured from Peter Lombard's Four Books of Sentences, the standard systematic doctrinal work of the era. While Luther studied, he made notes of Lombard's contradictions of an earlier church father, Augustine, Bishop of Hippo. Meanwhile, in 1513, he began lecturing on the Psalms, followed two years later by lectures in Romans, Galatians, and Hebrews - books of Holy Scripture that radically altered his thinking on all that he had been taught. While interpreting the Psalms Christologically, it helped to lay a foundation for his entrance into Romans. He was struck by the use of "the righteousness of God" and its link to "the justice of God." He hated God's justice because he felt the intense displeasure of God for his sin. But he saw in Romans 1:17 that the "the good news and the justice of God are indissolubly linked" [Justo Gonzalez, The Story of Christianity, vol. II, 19]. What amazed him as he studied was that the righteousness necessary to satisfy God's justice was not out of the effort of the sinner but alien to him. An alien righteousness through Christ by faith fulfilled the demands of God's justice. Thus, around 1515-1516 or perhaps even as late as 1518, Luther came to an understanding of the doctrine of "justification by faith" as a free gift from God for those who believed in Christ. Luther testified, "I felt that I had been born anew and that the gates of heaven had been opened. The whole of Scripture gained a new meaning. And from that point on the phrase 'the justice of God' no longer filled me with hatred, but rather became unspeakably sweet by virtue of a great love" [Gonzalez 19-20].
Another Storm
With his re-discovery of the ancient truth of sola fide, justification by faith alone, Luther's break with Rome was inevitable. Yet he sought to correct the church in their understanding and interpretation of this doctrine by nailing ninety-five propositions to the door of the church at Wittenberg. He prefaced the document with this description and invitation:
Out of love for the truth and the desire to bring it to light, the following propositions will be discussed at Wittenberg, under the oversight of the Reverend Father Martin Luther... [who] requests that those who are unable to be present and debate orally with us, may do so by letter [Nichols, 34].
The debate never took place! At least, not in the way that Luther had desired. Debate in a bigger fashion began like that which Luther never imagined. Nothing short of a spiritual awakening was beginning at this point, spreading like a wildfire, igniting the tinder of truth-starved people throughout all of Europe. Even Pope Leo X got his hands on a copy of the Ninety-Five Theses, but passed it off as the ramblings of a drunken German monk, all of which would improve after he sobered up!
It was not that Luther's theology had been completely crystallized. He would yet make changes, especially regarding purgatory, indulgences, and the pope's authority. At this point, Luther thought that he was doing Pope Leo a favor by opposing those that offered indulgences from time in Purgatory under the pope's hand. He was to learn differently. A sample of his Theses will give us an idea of what Luther sought to redress.
36. Any truly repentant Christian has a right of full remission of penalty and guilt, even without indulgence letters
48. Christians are to be taught that the pope, in granting indulgences, needs and thus desires their devout prayer more than their money.
49. Christians are to be taught that papal indulgences are useful only if they do not put their trust in them, but very harmful if they lose their fear of God because of them.
50. Christians are to be taught that if the pope knew the exactions of the indulgence preachers, he would rather that the basilica of St. Peter were burned to ashes than built up with the skin, flesh, and bones of his sheep.
51. Christians are to be taught that the pope would and should wish to give of his own money, even though he had to sell the basilica of St. Peter, to many of those from whom certain hawkers of indulgences cajole money.
53. They are enemies of Christ and the pope who forbid altogether the preaching of the Word of God in some churches in order that indulgences may be preached in others.
October 31, 1517 marked the day that Luther nailed the Ninety-Five Theses to the church door at Wittenberg, and has historically marked the beginning of the Reformation. Some scholars suggest that Luther had not truly been converted at this point, judging from some of the lack of understanding in the Theses regarding justification by faith. He was still regarding the pope's authority in matters of remission and accepted at least something of the premise of indulgences. He completed his lectures on Romans, Galatians, and Hebrews in 1518. His own testimony in another work in 1545 cites the discovery of justification by faith alone to 1518. So, whether his conversion preceded the Ninety-Five Theses or came a year later, the reformer was changed by the power of the gospel and never turned back.
Rome v. Luther
In October 1518, Luther met with the pope's representative, Cardinal Cajetan in Augsburg to debate his position. While Luther "stressed the authority of Scripture and salvation by faith," Cajetan understood none of this and insisted on Luther's recantation. Next, in 1519, Luther squared off with Johann Eck, the formidable theologian from the University of Ingolstadt. Eck sought to align Luther with Wycliffe and Hus, both condemned heretics in the church's eyes. Guilty by association was Eck's aim. Luther, however, saw it as the chance to explain his doctrine of sola Scriptura, Scripture alone. He stated clearly the authority of Scripture "over the church fathers, councils, and even the Pope." "At one point, Luther went so far as to claim that even a simple schoolboy armed with the text is better equipped than the Pope himself" [Nichols 39].
Having failed to lock up guilt by association, Eck obtained a papal bull in 1520, entitled, "Exsurge, Domine," or "Arise, O Lord." Leo called Luther the "wild boar in God's vineyard," and demanded that he recant in sixty days or face excommunication. Luther publicly burned the papal bull and further drove the wedge between himself and the pope by calling the pope the Antichrist.
The great showdown came in April 1521 at the Imperial Diet (congress) of Worms. Charles V, whom the pope had declared to be the emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, presided over the assembly. Papal nuncio, Aleander, represented the pope's interests. Luther came armed with Scripture and a clear argument on his position, including an appeal to the local German authorities to reject the imposition of papal rule over their territory. Luther expected a debate but instead found an inquisition with two questions: "Are these your writings? Do you recant?" Luther wanted them to prove him wrong and he would gladly recant anything that was not validated by Scripture. But Rome held firmly. Luther asked for another day to make his response. On April 18, 1521, he gave it in the clearest, boldest way possible.
Since then your serene majesty and your lordships seek a simple answer, I will give it in this manner, not embellished: Unless I am convinced by the testimony of the Scriptures or by clear reason, for I do not trust either in the pope or in councils alone, since it is well known that they have often erred and contradict themselves, I am bound to the Scriptures I have quoted and my conscience is captive to the Word of God. I cannot and I will not retract anything, since it is neither safe nor right to go against conscience. I cannot do otherwise, here I stand. May God help me, Amen [Nichols 41-42].
Junker Jorg
Frederick the Wise wisely predicted the response of Rome. He knew that though Luther had been given "safe passage" to the Diet, that Rome would not allow him to leave alive. Even Emperor Charles placed him under the imperial ban, which meant that he could be hunted and killed on the spot. So Frederick arranged for Luther to be kidnapped on his return trip, and carried him to Wartburg Castle, which Luther called his "Patmos." He took on the identity of a squire, Junker Jorg, spending nearly a year in seclusion where he translated the Greek New Testament into the German tongue in four months - a monumental task! He wrote sermons, letters, and made plans for revolutionizing the worship services for the German people. He even returned to Wittenberg disguised as Junker Jorg, in order to correct the problems being done in the name of reformation by his former colleague Andreas Karlstadt and a group known as the Zwickau prophets. They led a fanatical revolt against the church, destroying churches and anything institutional. Luther made the dangerous return to stop Karlstadt and turn the revolt around.
Despite the imperial ban, Luther returned to Wittenberg for good in 1522 and began his monumental leadership of the church in that city and beyond. His writing stood against the failure of Rome to follow Scripture. In 1525, he opposed the celibacy of priests, monks, and nuns. After a daring escape by twelve nuns from one convent, arranged by Luther and carried out by his friend, Leonard Kopp, a fish merchant, Luther began to arrange marriages for the liberated nuns. Interestingly, they escaped by hiding in barrels of herring! The only nun that he had trouble matching to someone else was Katherina Von Bora. Reluctantly, due to being in constant danger because of the imperial ban, Luther decided to wed Katie. It was not out of love that he married her but over time, few marriages mirrored the sweet love of Christ more than that of Martin and Katie, whom he called "my rib." "I would not exchange my Katie for Paris or all of France, for Venice or all of Italy, for God has given her to me and has given me to her." Later, he said, "There is no sweeter union than that in a good marriage" [Nichols 50]. Frederick the Wise gave Martin and Katie the Black Cloister as a wedding gift. They had six children and adopted four more who were orphaned by the plague. There were always people around the table, and Katie held her own in theological discussions throughout the years. The discussions around the table have been memorialized in what has been called Table Talks, a scribal record of the wit, wisdom, humor, and insights of Martin Luther.
Books and Reformation
It is no stretch to say that the invention of the printing press 60 years before the Reformation's start in 1517, stood with the Reformers as the arm of the Reformation. Luther, Calvin, and Tyndale, among others, made great use of the printing press to spread the message of the Reformation solas: sola Scriptura, sola fide, sola gratia, solus Christus, soli deo Gloria. That really captures reformed theology's tenets. The sufficiency of Scripture stands alone for all faith, doctrine, and practice. The doctrine of justification by faith alone, said Luther, "The one doctrine which I have supremely at heart, is that of faith in Christ, from whom, through whom, and unto whom all my theological thinking flows back and forth day and night" [Nichols 56]. Grace alone clarifies that man has no room to boast in salvation since it is a work of God's grace alone. It is not our work plus Christ, but Christ alone that has satisfied the righteousness of God for all that believe. And so, to the glory of God alone Christians forever offer praise and thanks.
The translation of the Scripture into the vernacular of the German population furthered reformation. Emphasis moved from rituals and tradition to proclaiming and understanding Holy Scripture as the centerpiece of worship. Once it was completed, Luther and a team of scholars constantly worked on improving the translation for future editions.
In the same year as his marriage, 1525, Luther wrote The Bondage of the Will as a response to Erasmus' criticisms of the reformer's "views on original sin, the will and sovereignty" [Nichols 53] in his Diatribe (Discussion, or Collation, concerning Free-Will). Luther could not respond immediately due to the pressing demands upon him in Wittenberg. He and Erasmus had exchanged correspondence, both professing admiration for the other. He even warned Erasmus to stay out of the fray taking place in theological circles, knowing that the scholar lacked the precision to argue in this realm. But Erasmus penned his Diatribe, likely due to pressure upon him by many of his friends. Luther's response was his greatest theological masterpiece, and along with his Catechism for little children, it remained the only two books that he felt deserved preservation for latter generations [J. I. Packer & O. R. Johnston, editors, Martin Luther's Bondage of the Will, 40]. Packer and Johnston comment on Bondage of the Will:
'Free-will' was no academic question to Luther; the whole gospel of the grace of God, he held, was bound up with it, and stood or fell according to the way one decided it. In The Bondage of the Will, therefore, Luther believes himself to be fighting for the truth of God, the only hope of man; and his earnestness and energy in prosecuting the argument bear witness to the strength of his conviction that the faith once delivered to the saints, and in consequence the salvation of precious souls, is here at stake.
...Why did Erasmus and Luther approach the discussion of 'free-will' in such contrasting attitudes of mind? ... Their divergent attitudes sprang from two divergent conceptions of Christianity. Erasmus held that matters of doctrine were all comparatively unimportant, and that the issue as to whether a man's will was or was not free was more unimportant than most. Luther, on the other hand, held that doctrines were essential to, and constitutive of, the Christian religion, and that the doctrine of the bondage of the will in particular was the corner-stone of the gospel and the very foundation of faith. Here we are confronted with the deepest difference that there was, or could have been, between the two men...
Christianity, to Erasmus, was essentially morality, with a minimum of doctrinal statement loosely appended...
Luther's attitude was very different. To him, Christianity was a matter orf doctrine first and foremost, because true religion was first and foremost a matter of faith; and faith is correlative to truth. Faith is trust in God through Jesus Christ as He stands revealed in the gospel.
The man who has not yet practically and experimentally learned the bondage of his will in sin has not yet comprehended any part of the gospel; for this is 'the hinge on which all turns,' the ground on which the gospel rests [42-45].
Luther's commentaries on Galatians and Romans continue to stand as a legacy to the Reformer's precision and insight with the biblical text. John Bunyan held that next to the Bible, Luther's Galatians was preferred over any other books. John Wesley was converted while listening to the preface read of Luther's Romans. Luther introduced hymnody to the German worship service, editing a hymnal in 1524 and writing "A Mighty Fortress Is Our God" in 1527. His Small Catechism, written especially for children, shows his ability to communicate doctrine to the little ears in his family and congregation. He later wrote a Larger Catechism for ministers but preferred his children's version. The German edition of his works is at 100 volumes and continues to grow. The English, Luther's Works stands at 56 volumes at present.
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